Only the common people must obey

10602923_906293642733305_1767460987_nThe court puts an end to the ongoing disgrace of the illegal construction of the Mod’iin Illit Municipality, which built even its municipal comptroller office on private Palestinian land

“‘Yes,’ agreed Ferdinand, ‘It truly is so,’

But the order is not valid in the palace.

Only the common people must obey it.

In the palace, you may speak properly.’”

It is with these words from the Hebrew classic “The Life and Times of Ferdinand Pedhazur etc.” by Ephraim Sidon, pallidly translated by yours truly, that we opened the petition we served four years ago against a series of authorities – the municipality of settlement Mod’iin Illit, the Union of Authorities for Firefighting and Emergency Services in the Region of Judea, Samaria, and the Jordan Valley, the SJPD, the Minister of Defense, the Commander of IDF Forces in the West Bank, and the Chief of the Civil Administration. Recently, the High Court of Justice (HCJ) held a hearing in the petition; we demanded the removal of a number of buildings built by the municipality of Modi’in Illit on private Palestinian land, and ordered its removal.

The construction took place in 1999-2000, and even though the Civil Administration was quick to issue demolition orders against the structures – which included some emergency services, but also regular municipality offices, at a later point also including the office of the municipality’s comptroller (!) – it then behaved according to procedure. That is, it left the implementation of the orders to the consideration of the military commander, and assiduously avoided carrying them out.

In other words, the government helped in the stealing the land of private civilians, Palestinian ones, and transferred it in fact, by deed or inaction, to the hands of Israeli authorities. The process is contrary to Israeli law, as well as international law, which says that the occupation authorities are obliged to protect the protected population in the occupied territories, as well as their property.

The authorities, caught red-handed, were quick to blame one another, each blaming the others for preventing the removal of the buildings, in what can only be described as collective contempt for the rule of law. During 2009-2010, we tried to have the buildings removed, and each authority sent us to another. During the HCJ hearing, Judge Uzi Fogelman noted that “instead of removing the disgrace, feet are being dragged.”

During the hearing, the government tried to stick to its usual modus operandi, i.e. a vague promise to remove the structures sometime, while admitting they are illegal but emphasizing that “now” is not the time. This “now” is worth looking into: any connection between it and the normal meaning of time is not only non-existent, it is misleading. The “now” the government refers to is drawn into infinity, it pines towards the setting of suns, it is in tune with the biblical “for a thousand years in thy sight are but as yesterday,” it echoes the messianic “though it tarries, wait for it; For it will certainly come,” until it merges into the “temporary situation” which is the Israeli occupation in the West Bank, and is gone.

Unfortunately for the government, the representative of the municipality of Modi’in Illit misunderstood its strategy of Longue Duree, intended to postpone the hearing until the next ice age, and dared to say that the main problem is “visibility,” i.e., not what the municipality or the authorities are doing, but how their actions are seen. The judges were quick to admonish him: Judge Rubinstein said that “visibility is not small matter in a public situation,” and Judge Fogelman noted that “we reached the stage when building by the government on private grounds is related to visibility. This is a slippery slope.”

In the end, we managed to save small prey from its hunters: the HCJ ruled that the structures which are not emergency structures are to be evacuated within 60 days, and the rest, after various procedures, within less than a year. And as the court is already familiar with the dramatis personae, it also ruled the government must provide a monthly update on the advancement of the evacuation. We’ll keep you posted.

Looting a child’s piggy bank

YD_7.8IDF troops raided a house in Madameh, and looted one of the children’s piggy bank while they were at it

During Operation Brother’s Keeper, the IDF carried out a large number of raids on Palestinian houses, boasting afterwards that it seized more than a million NIS. However, in some cases the seizure looked more like looting – and, as in the case before us, seizure was accompanied by looting.

What’s the difference? It’s quite simple. Seizure is an official act. The army raids a house, takes property for some cause, and leaves documentation. The person whose property was seized has an address to turn to. It will help him about as much as sacrificing a chicken to the nether gods, since the scandalous Amendment nr. 36 to the Order Regarding Security Provisions rules that military courts in the West Bank do not have the jurisdiction to deal with it; but he could send an official document, and receive an empty reply, and the legalistic façade will remain in place. He will have the right to appeal to the HCJ, which will require hiring an Israeli lawyer and costs which will likely amount to more than the damage he suffered.

Looting is something completely different. Looting is the taking of property without proper authority and without a military need, and of course without the requisite legal documentation, by a soldier or group of soldiers. Looting is a war crime, and recently even the Military Prosecution warned the IDF soldiers that it is so; it is also a felony under the Military Justice Law. The problem is that a seizure can easily serve as cover for an act of looting.

At the end of June, a large group of soldiers burst into the house of the family of Ziadah in the village of Madameh, and carried out a violent search, while causing damage to the house and striking fear and alarm among the children. The goal of the raid, as far as we understand it, was the confiscation of a large sum of money which belongs to the family’s father, for reasons which were not made clear to the residents.

Was this a seizure? No. Seizure may have been the goal, but the actual result was looting: the soldiers did not leave the owner a receipt or any other document which would allow the IDF to pretend any process of returning the property may be held, or even a document showing this is seizure and not looting. The money captured, tens of thousands of NIS, simply vanished.

OK, you’d say, this is uncalled for. The empty and pointless procedure – empty, again, because according to Amendment 36 a Palestinian cannot actually appeal the seizure, except through appealing to the HCJ, which may cost him more than the property seized – was not carried out. There was no official proof that this was an official action. OK, you’d say, this is uncalled for. Next time, we’ll make certain we’d go through the empty gestures properly.

However, the looting which was supposed to be a seizure was accompanied by bona fide looting. One of the witnesses described how one of the soldiers took a piggy bank belonging to one of the children, “round, blue, made of plastic,” and smashed it. The pitiful sum saved by the child – for a bike, perhaps, or a football, or any of those things children save money for – was taken by the soldier, who put it in his pocket.

Here, it would be rather hard to say this money was seized and not looted. This is looting cloaking itself in an official seizure, muddying the water until you can’t tell the two apart; a small and dirty theft, stealing from a child, wrapping itself in the IDF uniform.

It is those who have some expectation of morality of the IDF who ought to be the first to demand an investigation, which should ferret out the thief and expose his infamy. And the great silence which will follow this post will testify to just how empty the rhetoric of the “most moral army in the world” is.

In the beginning of July, we sent a notice, on behalf of the family, to the Operational Affairs Prosecution regarding suspicion of looting by IDF soldiers; one should hope – and demand – that they investigate the incident quickly and efficiently, and lead to the indictment of the looter.

Suspicion of illegal shooting by a soldier at a Yesh Din employee

An IDF soldier opened fire towards Yesh Din investigator, Muneer Qaddus, without any provocation. Yesh Din strongly denounces the shooting. MPCID was notified

At the beginning of August, an IDF soldier opened fire towards Yesh Din investigator, Muneer Qaddus, without Qaddus endangering him in any way, and while he was video documenting the actions of the soldiers. The incident may be viewed in the video below; the shooting takes place at about 01:06.

Qaddus was on the scene to document an incident between IDF soldiers and children from the village of Burin. The children were trying to renovate an abandoned house that belongs to the village, but is very close to the illegal outpost of Givat Ronen. The arrival of the children there is regularly followed by a confrontation with soldiers or Israeli civilians, and Qaddus rushed to the scene. From a nearby hill, he documented the clash between the soldiers and the children; the soldiers were standing on the hill, the children below it. The children were throwing stones at the soldiers and burning thorns, while the soldiers were firing tear gas canisters and rubber bullets at them.

And then, as you can see in the video, one of the three soldiers turns rightwards about ten meters, turns his weapon directly towards Qaddus, and fires several shots. This, again, is despite the fact that Qaddus posed no danger or threat to the soldiers – and despite the fact that such a shooting is against the IDF’s rules of engagement.

The use of a deadly weapon for the purpose of deterring a person carrying out a rightful action, without any warning, is a violation of the law. When it is carried out by a soldier against a person documenting the actions of the military – note that we have no reason to believe the soldier knew he was shooting at a human rights organization employee – one must also ask what is it the military wants to hide. We further note that the soldiers did not arrest or detain anyone, which strengthens the claim that there was no proper cause for live fire – or for any sort of fire.

We should also remind you that the IDF has a history of harassing photographers, including firing a rubber-coated bullet at the spokeswoman of B’Tselem, Sarit Michaeli, as she was documenting a demonstration.

Yesh Din strongly denounces the attack on Muneer Qaddus, and we have notified MPCID in his name. We note that this isn’t the first time Qaddus is attacked in the line of duty: five months ago, he was attacked by Israeli civilians.

Looting, masked by a search

10556411_901937753168894_3119967949190561090_nIDF troops burst into the house of Moyser Khassan Ahmed Khamed, looking for weapons. They didn’t find any, but made away with the gold

The time: 02:00 AM, late June, 2014, during Operation Brother’s Keeper. The place: the village of Einbus in the northern West Bank. A large group of soldiers burst into the house of Moyser Khassan Ahmed Khamed, and demanded that the residents all gather in one room. Then they pulled some of them for interrogation, which was carried out with yelling, and heard by the entire household.

The soldiers came to Khamed’s house for a clear and legal military purpose: searching for weapons. Naturally, they didn’t bother to present or even get a search warrant; such protection is invalid in the territories held – temporarily, of course – under occupation, for slightly more than 47 years. According to Khamed’s testimony, the soldiers caused widespread damage to the house. They destroyed three cellphones and an iPad; they broke some of the walls, smashed a kitchen table, ripped the coverings off chairs. Khamed’s daughter, Isra, had a doll collection, collected over some years; she asked the soldiers to leave the dolls unharmed. The soldiers, according to Khamed, broke the dolls nevertheless. For dessert, the soldiers smashed the doors of Khamed’s husband’s car, ripped out the fillings of the chairs, and dislodged the engine.

No weapons were found in this search. But when the Khamed household finished tallying the damage left by the IDF, the found that some items were missing. To begin with, some 5,000 NIS in cash went missing from a drawer, where they had been kept for Ramadan purchases. If this was a seizure of funds, and the IDF did say there has been a massive seizure of money – some 1.2 million NIS – then the soldiers were supposed to leave documents proving that that is what it was. In their absence, our assumption is that until proven otherwise, this is not a seizure, it’s looting.

Particularly when it comes not to cash, which can always be said to be used for nefarious goals, but jewelry.  According to Khamed’s testimony, aside from the money, the following items were also missing: six golden bracelets, bought as gifts for her son’s engagement, as well as a necklace containing gold coins, and several rings. The worth of the taken jewelry – which, again. We assume were looted until proven otherwise – is some 15,000 NIS. Aside from that, a smartphone has also gone missing. Again, there may be a legitimate reason to seize the device – but such a seizure has to be supported by documentation, and none was presented.

The family intends to notify the MPCID. Yesh Din calls upon the MPCID to implement the conclusions of the Turkel Report, and carry out an efficient, thorough – and speedy investigation; and, assuming enough evidence against the looter or looters is gathered, file a severe indictment against them. Again, looting is a war crime.

Looting in the occupied territories has always been whispered about, not openly discussed. But this isn’t the first time we document cases of looted jewelry. Operation Brother’s Keeper was followed by a series of complaints about looting; our files document, so far, at least eight cases of seizure of property without proper documentation – that is, cases in which suspicion of looting has risen. We will keep on publishing these stories in the coming weeks. The Israeli media will not report them; but we think that you, the public community, hearing about this army, which claims to be the most moral in the world, ought to know what it actually does.

A million people without running water. In July

The IDF has a humanitarian duty to ensure supply of water and electricity to the residents of the Gaza Strip

On July 23rd, Yesh Din – along with several other human rights organizations, led by Gisha – sent an urgent letter to the Defense Minister, Moshe Yaalon, asking him to order the IDF to carry out its obligations to the civil population in Gaza.

The infrastructure of the Gaza Strip was nothing to write home about, to say the least, even before Operation Protective Edge; but the widespread attack on the Strip caused it severe damage. The damage is particularly heavy when it comes to water: OCHA (the UN’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs) estimates that out of a population of 1.8 million, 1.2 didn’t have running water on July 22nd, and that they are suffering from sanitation problems. The water problem is critical: waste water is flooding the Strip’s drinking water, putting all those who drink it at risk and raising the fear diseases spreading. Furthermore, the waste water flows to the sea and pollutes it at a rate of 67 million liters a day. And as if that wasn’t enough, three of the workers of the local water authority were killed since the fighting began – at least two of them, according to UNRWA, by an IDF airstrike. As a result, the workers of the water authority are afraid to go out and fix the water infrastructure, which has been severely damaged.

Eitan Diamond, the CEO of Gisha, said in a phone interview with An Isolated Incident, that “more than a million people now lack regular water supply. The sewage system is collapsing, flooding, and harming the water cisterns. We begin to see indications that infection and lack of water are harming people. If this continues, the number of casualties is expected to climb very high – and there is a fear, already raised by the aid organizations, of a humanitarian crisis.” Diamond called for allowing “immediate treatment” which will allow the reconstruction of the infrastructure and reasonable maintenance of it. At the moment, unfortunately, the people who carry out maintenance are exposed to danger, and some of them have been hit and killed.” Diamond further noted that the residents of the Gaza Strip presently receive only a small fraction of the amount of electricity they need.

And here comes the part most Israelis won’t want to read: Israel is responsible for all of this. Why? Because it has controlled the Gaza Strip for almost 40 years, and even after the Disengagement did not cease control of significant parts of life in the Strip. Therefore, it is obligated to handle the humanitarian needs of the Gazan population. And no, as this jurist’s letter – also organized by Gisha – shows, the concept that the Gaza Strip is its own political body has no basis. Israel maintained a long list of powers in Gaza, including control of the water and electricity infrastructure. In the Basiouni Decision of 2008 (Hebrew document), the High Court of Justice ruled that where Israel maintained control, it is responsible for the people of Gaza. For years, Israel has prevented the residents of Gaza from developing their own infrastructure, making them dependent on Israel; it therefore cannot stop supplying them now.

And Israel is responsible not only for water, which I think no decent person would claim Gazans have no right to, but also for electricity. First of all, the lack of electricity is one of the main reasons for the water problem: electricity is essential to the sewage treatment facilities. Secondly, the dozen of hospitals in the Strip, and its clinics, also need electricity to function. Hundreds of thousands of Gazans have been living without electricity for the past several days.

Gaza gets its electricity from three sources: ten power lines from Israel; three from Egypt; and a small amount the Strip generates for itself. Six of the power lines coming from Israel have been hit, according to Israel by fire coming from Gaza, and Prime Minister Netanyahu ordered they should not be fixed. The result is a decline of 48% in the amount of electricity entering the Strip. Supplying electricity is another one of Israel’s humanitarian duties. But as mentioned above, Israel prevents Gaza from developing its own electricity infrastructure, controls its border crossings – even the Rafah Checkpoint, which is not directly controlled by Israel, cannot be crossed without a document issued based on the Palestinian Population Record, which is controlled by Israel – and has never given up much of its control.

We therefore called upon the Defense Minister to ensure the IDF avoids harming the infrastructure in the Gaza Strip; avoids harming the infrastructure workers who fix and maintain it; to immediately fix the damages to the infrastructure on the Israeli side; to allow the entrance of equipment to fix the infrastructure without any delay; and at the end of the fighting – to lift the closure the Strip is under and allow movement of people and goods to it and from it.

The letter is signed by Yesh Din, Gisha, Amnesty International Israel, Bimkom, B’Tselem, The Israeli Civil Liberties Union, the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel, the Center for the Defense of the Individual, Machsom Watch, Adalah, Physicians for Human Rights and Rabbis for Human Rights.

Money vanishing into thin air

10566293_890163074346362_369712629_nDuring Operation Brother’s Keeper, IDF troops carried out several cases of looting. Here’s another

One of the things the IDF hardly ever talks of is looting. In the IDF’s early days, it was considered to be a grave felony. Ben Gurion dismissed a valued officer, Uri Ben Ari, following the 1956 Sinai War, after the colonel’s driver – not the colonel himself – was caught with a looted sack of sugar. In another case during that war, another officer – Aryeh Biro – threatened a fellow officer, whom he caught looting, with shooting on the spot. Journalist Nahum Barnea once documented a paratrooper captain during the First Lebanon War, ordering his soldiers to turn over their loot, or he would severely punish them; and then burned the booty before their eyes.

But that was a long time ago, when the IDF still fought regular armies, not an occupied population. During the occupation years there were quite a few reports of looting, and the IDF’s latest large operation in the West Bank, Operation Brother’s Keeper, supplied us with a series of such reports. We recently reported a case of looting from Aqraba; here is a story from Tqoa.

In the town of Tqoa, situated to the south-east of Bethlehem, lives Murad Ayish Khamdan Albaden. He is a tax collector for the municipality. At the end of June, early in the morning, Albaden was woken up by strong knocking on his door. A large number of soldiers was at the door, accompanied by several police officers, out of uniform but with police hats on.

The soldiers orderd Albaden to concentrate the family members, including three children, in one room, and then began causing massive damage to the house. They carried out a brutal search, which scared Albaden’s children, breaking furniture, smashing closets, breaking doors. The undersigned once saw, during his military service, a soldier smashing a transparent glass table, saying later with a smile that he had been searching it. Such a search was carried out in Albaden’s house. A warrantless search, of course, a search without documentation of the search, a “search” which is a sort of intimidation, or perhaps, terrorism.

But that’s not the story. There are far too many similar stories and Albaden didn’t even complain about the damage. During the search, Albaden was asked to present all the money he had in the center of the living room. There were 4,800 NIS there, 3,000 of which were tax funds Albaden had collected as part of his job (he has the receipts he gave for them), but was yet to turn over to the municipality, and 1,800 of his own money. One of the men with the police hats took the money, but adamantly refused to give Albaden a receipt, which he is obliged by law to do during a confiscation. The man with the hat claimed he didn’t have the proper form with him. Albaden asked for a handwritten receipt; the man with the hat refused, saying Albaden should go to the Etzion DCO.

Here we should explain the difference between confiscation and looting. Confiscation is a legal act, but it must be attended with a document affirming that and documenting the fact that the authorities have seized property. The official IDF magazine, Ba’Makhane, wrote a few days ago that the IDF confiscated some 1.2 million NIS during Operation Brother’s Keeper.

But taking property without documentation is not confiscation. There is no documentation of the seized property and in practice, no way of knowing that it ended up with the authorities and not the person who seized it. The fact that the man with the hat refused to give Albaden a receipt, or any other document, raises grave concern that what happened here was not a confiscation but looting.

Such concerns becomes stronger when we learn what happened next. Albaden went to the police station, where they said that had no knowledge of the case and no documentation, and sent him to the Etzion DCO. There, a policeman laughed in his face and sent him back to the police.

In the meantime, 4,800 NIS – 3,000 of them, again, belonging to the residents of Tqoa, and under Albaden’s trust – are gone. The reasonable suspicion is that they were looted.

Israelis have become accustomed to defending just about anything their occupation forces do. They can, and sometimes do, defend the shooting of unarmed children, because “you don’t know what he did before that.” Looting has no operational excuse. The looter does not protect the State of Israel; he corrupts it.

The Israeli media refrained from reporting the cases of looting during the operation, even though they are known to quite a few people. This, again, is not something that can be excused away. What you can’t excuse, you drag under the carpet. If you, too,  think that looting by the security forces is something to be discussed, to be openly condemned, share this post.

Hebrew soldier, Hebrew looter

10529498_886045758091427_2024756357_nDuring Operation Brother’s Keeper, Palestinians reported numerous incidents of looting by IDF soldiers. Here’s the first case we documented

During Operation Brother’s Keeper, IDF soldiers invaded thousands of houses in the West Bank, on the pretext of looking for the kidnapped teenagers. These raids allow us to get a quick picture of the differences between Palestinians living under Israeli control and Israeli citizens.

For instance, were someone to be kidnapped in Petah Tikva, no one would imagine placing the city under curfew, prevent its denizens from traveling abroad, and carry out “searches” in random apartments, without the need to show the residents a legal search warrant.

Yet that is precisely what happened to Wasafia Sadeq Othman Salah Khater, a senior citizen living in the village of Aqraba, on June 22nd, 2014. Around 02:30 AM, about a dozen soldiers knocked on her door, entering without explanation, and as she noted, without showing her any warrant. The soldiers found nothing, as there was nothing to be found; but for an hour they wreaked havoc in Khater’s house. Aside from her, the house was home to her pensioner husband and their eight sons.

The soldiers were not satisfied with ripping off the covering of the sofas and spreading out their contents, nor with the breaking of a closet door (one wonders what the hell the purpose of that was, aside from sadistic enjoyment): they did what the army will not speak of, and it seems they looted the house. At first, the soldiers stole an expensive wrist watch, worth some 700 NIS (some 200 USD). Then, they looted an envelope that Khater held on her body – a very reasonable thing to do, when strangers invade your home – which contained 15,000 NIS (some 4,400 USD) and 1,700 Jordanian dinars (about 2,400 USD).

Even if this had been a legal confiscation, and as the soldiers did not leave Khater any receipt it wasn’t, Khater has no reasonable way of getting the money back: as we’ve seen, in order to do so she would have to appeal to the Israeli HCJ. But as she didn’t receive any written confirmation, this wasn’t a confiscation. Later on, looking through the house, Khater found out that the soldiers went off with her purse, containing 400 NIS. Looting, we’ll remind you, is a war crime, and while the Israeli military law does not recognize war crimes, it does punish looting with up to 10 years imprisonment.

Khater’s husband is a pensioner; she herself is a housewife. The money they have comes from their children. It was several soldiers who looted them; they were commanded by an officer who either did not know what took place, in which case he is unfit for command, or knew and turned a blind eye, in which case he is unfit for command and should spend time in prison with his looting soldiers; either way, he has command responsibility for their actions.

But the chances that he will be prosecuted are practically nil. The rate of indictment of soldiers is near zero. And after all, this incident took place as the national brain was suffused with blood.

Israelis have grown accustomed to excusing away everything done by IDF soldiers, up to and including the killing of children. The only things they can’t explain away yet are intentional attacks on animals and looting. Nobody can claim that looting makes any operational sense; no one can claim it is not a crime – and one of the most serious in the Israeli military law. Therefore, the IDF and the Israeli media, which has grown very good at not challenging the Israeli way of thinking, simply don’t speak about it.

So if you still have any expectations of war ethics from the IDF, promote this post. Because the mainstream media will not mention this case of looting – or the other cases we will document.

Kafka on duty at Allenby Bridge Checkpoint

10442513_880437961985540_7092210030740489377_nThe IDF confiscates money from a blind Palestinian woman, forcing her to appeal to the HCJ in an attempt to get it back

About two weeks ago, we filed a petition to the HCJ, which is unusual even given the cases we regularly deal with; it deals with Kafkaesque behavior by the security forces. We are petitioning on behalf of Akhlas Sayel Mustafa A-Shatiyeh and her sister, Suhad Sayel Mustafa A-Shatiye.

The story of the sisters is unique. Akhlas was born blind, and their father – Sayel Jabara A-Shatiye – was killed in 2004 by a settler, Yehoshua Elizur, a resident of the settlement of Itamar. He was convicted of homicide, but – lo and behold – managed to escape Israel before he began serving his sentence.

Despite this background, Akhlas managed to finish a master’s degree in English and literature, and served as a counselor for female students suffering from disabilities, in the University of Beir Zeit. Presently she works as an investigator for the Stars of Hope Society, a Palestinian NGO promoting the rights of disabled women. She is often sent on behalf of the Society to conferences abroad; her sister Suhad accompanies her and aids her.

Last December, the sisters arrived at Allenby Checkpoint, after Akhlas represented the Society at a UN conference promoting the political rights of disabled women in Jordan. Arriving at the checkpoint, they found themselves under interrogation, which lasted eight hours. At the end of it, the army confiscated all of the money held by the sisters, refusing to leave them even enough money to return home, forcing them to spend the night outside, in the cold. In total, the army seized a sum of some 5,000 NIS. The sisters presented the soldiers with receipts, showing some of the money was travel expenditure they received, and that the rest was given to them by their mother in order to purchase gifts in Amman; but the army claims the money is of “an unallowed association,” and issued a confiscation order.

And here another problem came up. Until recently, a Palestinian whose property was confiscated by our troops, could turn to the military courts in the West Bank and demand it back. Since 2013, Amendment nr. 36 to the Order Regarding Security Provisions is in force, and it reads: “The decision of the Military Commander, according to Article 61, or the decision of the Military Commander to seize, sell or confiscate property, according to the Defense (Emergency) Regulations – 1945, cannot be appealed before the military court, and is final.” In other words, if the army decides to seize your property, there’s nothing you can do.

Hence, the A-Shatiye sisters had no choice but to petition the HCJ, demanding inter alia the cancellation of the draconian Amendment nr. 36. It’s important to note that in many cases, the cost of an appeal to the HCJ is greater than that of the confiscated sum, so this route is also Kafkaesque; you have to lose money to get yours. Furthermore, an appeal to the HCJ requires either an Israeli advocate, or an entrance permit into Israel. This is one more factor which may cause the prospective claimant to give up his property, where formerly he might just have appealed to the military court. Our petition against Amendment nr. 36, it should be mentioned, follows two previous petitions on this issue by the Center for the Defense of the Individual, also demanding its repeal.

When the A-Shatiye sisters tried to understand why their money was confiscated, the Legal Advisor to the territories of Judea and Samaria (LAJS) replied that it did so “in light of reliable, double-checked intelligence presented to him, which shows that these are funds belonging to an association that is not allowed,” and hence the confiscation was appropriate. This information, needless to say, was not presented to the A-Shatiye sisters.

As our petition states, “it was also noted that even when the petitioners were allegedly given the right to present their arguments in writing before the bureau of the LAJS, they were forced to do so without having any knowledge of what charges were alleged against them, and therefore could not defend themselves. The petitioners were not informed of any relevant information on which the intent to confiscate was based, a fact that fatally harmed their right to argue, and in fact, to this day they do not know why the respondent reached the conclusion that their money belongs to an unallowed association. […] the petitioners were asked to defend themselves against vague accusations, the nature of which was not detailed, and based on documents they were not allowed to review.”

If the government of Israel wants to confiscate the A-Shatiye sisters’ money, it should act as a civilized country, not as the heir to Kafka’s court: let it stand in open court and present its evidence. A person’s right to know what crime he is being punished for, and his right to defend himself against an accusation, is a fundamental right, without which you cannot speak of a trial, but at most of a kangaroo court. The same goes for Amendment nr. 36, which allows the Military Commander to confiscate property without being accountable to anyone.

As a human rights organization, we find ourselves in an unusual position: petitioning the Israeli Supreme Court so it might restore to the military courts, which are not known for doing justice to say the least, authorities stripped away from them. And yet, this new situation is considerably worse than its predecessor, and leaves us no choice.

Without a Single Day of Freedom

YD_EN_18.06 (1)By: Atty. Michael Sfard, Yesh Din’s legal advisor

A baby boy or girl born on June 5, 1967 in Ramallah, Nablus, Yata, or Bil’in, celebrated their 47th birthday recently. Their birthday party was probably attended by their children, and perhaps even by a few grandchildren. These adults have not known a single day of freedom since they were born.

They learned from an early age that any decision in their lives, however petty, is subject to the decisions of a military regime before which they enjoy no status. They discovered, for example, that the geographical boundaries of their lives are dictated by a collection of bureaucratic permits, granted or (more commonly) denied by military officials: A permit to visit their family in Gaza and to return to the West Bank (or vice versa); a permit to cross a checkpoint; a permit to pray in Jerusalem; a permit to access their land trapped in a security zone created around a neighboring settlement; a permit to work in a settlement; a permit to farm their own fields beyond the separation barrier (with or without a vehicle, during daylight only, for the duration of the olive harvest, with or without additional workers); a permit to work in Israel; and even a permit to travel abroad and return home.

The children of the summer of 1967 have watched helplessly as their land has been usurped for the criminal and unlawful settlement enterprise and as the natural treasures of their community have been stolen by Israeli and foreign corporations enjoying the perks of occupation. As they stood in line at the checkpoint, they saw their settler neighbors speeding by in the fast track reserved for the masters of the land. When a relative was arrested they learned in the military courts that they are subject to a separate and tough legal system totally different from the modern, respectful system applied to Israeli settlers.

When they grew up, married, and sought a home, they realized that while their homeland is the site of a building boom, with modern new neighborhoods, advanced industrial zones, and even an institution that claims to be a university – none of it is intended for them. When they started a family, they discovered that they cannot protect their children against nighttime arrest and violent interrogation, and that even schools are not safe from the occupation forces.

The children of the summer of 1967 are already well into middle age. But their freedom to choose from the various options the world offers; the extent of their influence over their immediate and more distance future; and the measure of independence they receive are all less than those enjoyed by the average high school student in Herzliya.

“If tyranny, even progressive, continues for more than one generation,” wrote the French philosopher, author, and journalist Albert Camus, “its meaning for millions of humans is a life of slavery and no more than that. When the temporary coincides with a human lifespan, then for that human it is final.” A realistic appraisal of the situation suggests that, in all probability, the children of the summer of 1967 will also celebrate their 48th birthday under occupation. To be honest, their 49th birthday faces the same risk, and the prospects are hardly optimistic for that which will follow. Will they pass away without experiencing even a single day of freedom?

In human rights terms, occupation is a mass disaster in which every victim suffers from multi-trauma and multiple injuries. What is unique about occupation is not that it violates any particular human liberty, or even the liberty of an entire community. What is unique about it is that the entire fabric of civil liberties (to vote and to be elected, to be a partner in public activity, and to exert an influence) is suspended. This suspension leads almost automatically to the removal of the protection that should be enjoyed by the full range of rights and liberties to which humans per se are entitled.

When a Palestinian seeks to build a home on his land, his request will be determined by planning committees in which his community has no representation. The record of these bodies shows that their actual function is to prevent Palestinian development. When settlers invade his land and build or plant crops on it, he is forced to rely on policemen – all of whom are Israelis, and some of whom are settlers – to work on his behalf against their lawbreaking brothers. When he seeks to protest the situation, he encounters draconian laws prohibiting demonstrations that were not enacted by himself or his people.

International law recognizes that wars may lead to a situation of occupation and regulates the system of regime of such occupation. Due to the severe violation of human rights that occupation causes to the occupied subjects, international law assumes that it will be a temporary reality. When Beit El was established on stolen land, the victims of the theft argued that this act was illegal, among other reasons since the establishment of a settlement is not temporary. The Supreme Court justices accepted the state’s disingenuous claim that even a long period of time is temporary. However, as Albert Camus – who knew a thing or two about occupations and undemocratic regimes – wrote, since life itself is temporary, certain periods constitute eternity for the individual human. Welcome to the forty-eighth year.

This op-ed was originally published in Haaretz (Hebrew)

It’s not about the graffiti

 10446402_867030173326319_269605854_nIn an attempt to downplay the severity of nationalist crimes by Israeli citizens, the media refers to the offenses as “graffiti.” Here are the facts – and it’s not graffiti

In recent weeks the “Hilltop Youth,” Israeli citizens in general, and their lobby in the Knesset and the media have been experiencing a sense of crisis. The events surrounding Yitzhar and the comments by a resident of the settlement justifying attacks on soldiers have put them on the defensive. In their responses in online comments and in sympathetic articles, they have presented the argument that “Price Tag” violence is about nothing more than some scribbled graffiti.

This claim is a propaganda lie for several reasons. Firstly, the media classifies nationalist violence by Israeli citizens – settlers and others – under the catch-all term “Price Tag.” In reality, Price Tag attacks account for just a small proportion of the overall phenomenon of attacks on Palestinians by Israeli civilians. “Price Tag” or “mutual liability” are code words for such acts of violence directed against the IDF, the police, or – above all – against Palestinians – in response to actions by the Israeli security forces, such as the eviction of an outpost. These actions have quite a colorful style, and it is true that in many cases, the perpetrators leave behind their hallmark graffiti.

However, ideological crime by Israeli civilians against Palestinians does not end with Price Tag attacks. Such crime occurs on an almost-daily basis. In order to illustrate this point, I asked Noah Cohen, Yesh Din’s Information Coordinator, to collate details of attacks on Palestinians which we have documented over the past year – from May 2013 through the end of April 2014. I will provide brief details below about these incidents.

Before beginning the catalog of events, however, two important comments. Firstly, Yesh Din is essentially a legal organization. We collect testimonies as a foundation for legal action. In some cases, Palestinians refuse to submit a complaint to the police, usually due to their lack of trust in the institution. In such cases, there was no legal response to the incident. In other cases, legal action was transferred to another attorney or organization; the result is that we have no information regarding the police processing of those files. Such cases are classified as “not processed by Yesh Din.”

Secondly, the 132 incidents detailed in this post are only those that came to Yesh Din’s attention. The list certainly does not include all the relevant incidents. Neither does it include minor incidents (such as cursing) or non-violent attacks (such as “merely” invading Palestinian land or dumping garbage in it). Nobody has any idea how many incidents involving attacks on Palestinians occurred in the relevant period. We attempted to obtain this information from the Israel Police, but were informed that no comprehensive figures exist on this subject. Accordingly, we must assume that the actual number of incidents is higher – though we cannot determine how much higher. If an incident was already featured in the blog, I provide a link to the relevant post.

So what can we learn from this list? We have 132 incidents of ideological crime committed by Israeli civilians against Palestinians over the period of May 2013 through April 2014. Only in 13 cases did the perpetrators write slogans in the area – less than 10 percent of the incidents. Moreover, in nine of these 13 cases, the slogans appeared alongside the torching of vehicles or buildings. In another case, the slogans appeared on a home in the village of Sinjil, which had been set on fire two months earlier.

So when discussing ideological crime by Israelis, we should recall the following facts:

  1. In the vast majority of cases, the incident is far more serious than graffiti and involves damage to property or physical assault.
  2. In cases that do involve graffiti, this often accompanies an act of arson, and in many instances the target of the torching is an inhabited home. Such attacks fall very close to the definition of terrorism, if not within it.
  3. In most incidents of torching – which we have documented 28 of, including the torching of a chicken coop in which thousands of chicks were burned alive – as well as attempted arson, no graffiti was left alongside the torched building.
  4. The vast majority of incidents of ideological crime committed by Israelis falls under the category of agricultural terrorism: Attacks on farmers, farm property, and trees. We documented 77 such attacks. The purpose of these attacks is not to convey a message to the IDF but to persuade Palestinian farmers that continuing to farm their land is dangerous and unsustainable and that they should relinquish their land. As we demonstrated in a previous post, this tactic works.
  5. In 41 cases, i.e. more than a quarter of the incidents, the offense was a physical attack on a Palestinian person, sometimes accompanied by an attempted attack on property.
  6. The main reason for the closure of cases is investigative failure: 47 of the cases have been closed, and in the vast majority (39) this was on the grounds of “offender unknown” (OU in the table below): in other words, the police was unable to locate suspects. In four additional cases the reason was “insufficient evidence” (IE in the table below). Accordingly, in 88 percent of cases closed, the reason was the incompetence of the S&J District Police. Anyone who is familiar with Yesh Din’s statistics, particularly regarding agricultural attacks, will not be surprised by this statistic.

That said, let’s devote a few words to the topic of graffiti. When slogans are daubed abroad, for example on a synagogue or Jewish cemetery, the Israeli media does not regard the incident as mere graffiti, but as a hate crime, and in many cases this is indeed the case. The objective of a hate crime is to terrorize the attacked group and to convey the message that just as they reached them in order to write the graffiti, so they can be reached with a firebomb. In the case of ideological crimes committed by Israeli civilians, when the graffiti accompanies arson attacks, the message is particularly clear. A distinction should be made between graffiti and most of the other actions, which are designed to dispossess Palestinians from their land.

This is our data. The US State Department recently found that Israeli civilians committed 399 hate crimes against Palestinians in 2013; some of which occurred within the boundaries of the State of Israel. Again, it is more than possible that these figures do not represent all incidents.

So let’s stop this talk about graffiti. Comments of the sort are no more than an excuse and an attempt by those who support these crimes to downplay the gravity of the offenses and divert attention from the actual crimes. This excuse is spread thanks to the lazy thoughtlessness of journalists.

And now – the complete list for your review.

No. Date Description of Incident Location Graffiti? Outcome Reason for closure
1 May 1, 2013 Israeli civilians coming from Yitzhar torch 17 trees Burin No Case closed OU
2 May 1, 2013 Israeli civilians coming from Yitzhar torch 16 trees and prevent fire engines from approaching Burin No Case closed OU
3 May 2, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down approx. 40 olive trees Dir Jarir No Not processed by Yesh Din
4 May 2, 2013 Masked Israeli civilians attack Palestinian drivers with stones Hawara No Case closed OU
5 May 2, 2013 Israeli civilians attack Palestinians with stones; soldiers stand by and later assist by firing gas Ras Karkar No Case open
6 May 5, 2013 Israeli civilians throw Molotov cocktails at Palestinian family home, close to IDF observation point Jalud No Not processed by Yesh Din
7 May 6, 2013 Israeli civilians flood Palestinian plot of land with sewage A-Samu’a No Case closed Processed by Civil Admin.
8 May 9, 2013 Israeli civilians ambush and throw stones at Palestinian family in a car; army fails to intervene Close to Yitzhar No Case closed OU
9 May 10, 2013 Masked Israeli civilians torch a barley field Yata No Case closed OU
10 May 12, 2013 Israeli civilians uproot hundreds of saplings, puncture tires, and daub graffiti on graves A-Sawiya Yes! Case closed OU
11 May 13, 2013 Approx. 150 olive trees cut down and vandalized Yatma No Case closed OU
12 May 16, 2013 Security coordinator threatens youth, shooting in the air; medical treatment of youth delayed Karyut No Case closed IE
13 May 17, 2013 Israeli civilians coming from Yitzhar attack eastern neighborhood of Urif; IDF provides protection for the attack Urif No Not processed by Yesh Din
14 May 23, 2013 Israeli civilians poison 70 olive trees in plot adjacent to Yitzhar Burin No Case closed OU
15 May 25, 2013 Israeli civilians stone Palestinian home Beitillu No Not processed by Yesh Din
16 May 27, 2013 Israeli civilians set dog on goats; dog kills two goats Kafr Thulth No Case closed Absence of culpability
17 May 28, 2013 Israeli civilians torch stack of wheat Zif No Case closed IE
18 May 29, 2013 Israeli civilians damage trees; IDF denies Palestinians access to plot Awartha Unknown Not processed by Yesh Din
19 May 29, 2013 Israeli civilians torch vehicles; IDF delays arrival of fire engine A-Zubeidat Yes! Case open
20 June 2, 2013 Israeli civilian known to victim attacks Palestinian worker with rifle butt and threatens to murder him Roi No Case closed IE
21 June 3, 2013 Israeli civilians torch approx. 60 olive trees Burin No Not processed by Yesh Din
22 June 3, 2013 Israeli civilians torch approx. 300 olive trees Burin No Case closed OU
23 June 7, 2013 Israeli civilians lead herd to graze in a field or crops, causing damage Rujib No Not processed by Yesh Din
24 June 9, 2013 Israeli civilian invades field allowing flock of sheep to graze, causing damage Burin No Case closed OU
25 June 11, 2013 Israeli civilians steal five goats from a Palestinian Sha’ar Binyamin No Case closed OU
26 June 15, 2013 Israeli civilians burn approx. 75 olive trees and throw stones at Palestinians Imatin No Case closed OU
27 June 15, 2013 Israeli civilians stone home in Furata; army fires tear gas at home Furata No Case closed OU
28 June 15, 2013 Israeli civilians uproot five olive trees, and knock down wall of an agricultural building Kusra No Not processed by Yesh Din
29 June 22, 2013 Israeli civilians assault Palestinian, throw stones at herd; army fires tear gas at Palestinians Burin No Case closed OU
30 June 24, 2013 Israeli civilians torch Palestinian home after they were evicted from it Burin No Case closed OU
31 June 27, 2013 Israeli civilians throw stones at moving Palestinian car Yata No Not processed by Yesh Din
32 July 3, 2013 Israeli civilians puncture tires of two vehicles Furata No Not processed by Yesh Din
33 July 6, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down 65 olive trees Jit No Not processed by Yesh Din
34 July 6, 2013 Israeli civilians assault Palestinians, damage vehicles; army stands idly by Hawarta No Case closed
35 July 11, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down 14 olive trees Burin No Not processed by Yesh Din
36 July 13, 2013 Israeli civilians assault Palestinian woman and stone her home Khalat al-Baluta No

Case closed

OU
37 July 14, 2014 Israeli civilians attack and seriously injure shepherd South Hebron Mountain No Not processed by Yesh Din
38 July 16, 2013 Settlement security personnel cut down trees and saplings belonging to a Palestinian Hebron No Not processed by Yesh Din
39 July 19, 2013 Israeli civilians torch hundreds of olive trees Close to Bat Ayin No Case closed Absence of culpability
40 July 25, 2013 Israeli civilians shoot at Palestinian home Hebron No Case closed OU
41 July 30, 2013 Israeli civilians shoot at Palestinian man, killing three goats Aqraba No Not processed by Yesh Din
42 Aug. 12, 2013 Masked Israeli civilians attack Palestinian home with stones, torch field Jalud No Not processed by Yesh Din
43 Aug. 14, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down trees A-Tawani No Case closed OU
44 Aug. 15, 2013 Israeli civilians break olive trees Burin No Not processed by Yesh Din
45 Aug. 18, 2013 Six masked Israeli civilians attack and seriously injure Palestinian shepherd Mikhmas No Not processed by Yesh Din
46 Aug. 26, 2013 Israeli civilians break olive trees Burin No Case closed OU
47 Aug. 29, 2013 Israeli civilians attack and damage tractor; soldiers disappear from the scene Kusra No Case closed OU
48 Aug. 31, 2013 Masked Israeli civilians attack Palestinians with stones Burin No Case closed OU
49 Sept. 10, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down olive trees A-Tawani No Case closed OU
50 Sept. 12, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down olive trees Beitar Illit No Case closed Absence of culpability
51 Sept. 15, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down olive trees Lakif No Case closed OU
52 Sept. 15, 2013 Israeli civilians torch warehouse full of produce; IDF jeep seen near site of incident Madama No Case closed OU
53 Sept. 17, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down olive trees Lakif No Case closed OU
54 Sept. 20, 2013 Israeli civilians break and burn olive trees and saplings Qaddum No Not processed by Yesh Din
55 Sept. 23, 2013 Israeli civilian assaults Palestinian with pepper spray Hawara No Case closed OU
56 Oct. 1, 2013 Israeli civilians torch Palestinian vehicle Burin No Case closed OU
57 Oct. 2, 2013 Israeli civilians attack Palestinian vehicle with metal object; Palestinian injured and his vehicle damaged Marda No Not processed by Yesh Din
58 Oct. 3, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down young olive trees Zif No Case closed OU
59 Oct. 3, 2013 Israeli civilians vandalize 50-year-old olive trees Dir Sharf No Case closed OU
60 Oct. 4, 2013 Israeli civilians steal sacks of olives Jit No Not processed by Yesh Din
61 Oct. 7, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down olive trees Enclave in Ganei Shomron No Case closed OU
62 Oct. 7, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down 20 olive trees, steal olives, and vandalize approx. 180 additional trees Furata No Case open
63 Oct. 9, 2013 Israeli civilians attack school with stones Jalud No Case open
64 Oct. 10, 2013 Israeli civilians torch olive trees Husan No Not processed by Yesh Din
65 Oct. 12, 2013 Israeli civilians break olive branches and steal olives Imatin No Case open
66 Oct. 12, 2013 Israeli civilians break and saw olive trees Imatin No Not processed by Yesh Din
67 Oct. 12, 2013 Israeli civilians break into warehouse, steal tools worth thousands of shekels, and torch warehouse Husan No Not processed by Yesh Din
68 Oct. 16, 2013 Israeli civilians move their flocks onto private agricultural land, causing damage Yata No Case open
69 Oct. 19, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down dozens of olive trees Karyut No Case open
70 Oct. 20, 2013 Israeli civilians attack Palestinian man with stones Hebron No Case open
71 Oct. 23, 2013 Israeli civilians attack Palestinian during olive harvest Burin No Not processed by Yesh Din
72 Oct. 25, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down trees Hawara No Not processed by Yesh Din
73 Oct. 26, 2013 Masked Israeli civilians attack Palestinians with batons, break camera, steal sacks of olives Al-Mughayer No Referred by B’Tselem
74 Oct. 26, 2013 Israeli civilians attack Palestinians during olive harvest and steal sacks of olives Sinjil No Case open
75 Oct. 29, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down olive trees Inbus No Not processed by Yesh Din
76 Oct. 29, 2013 Israeli civilians steal olives off dozens of trees A-Rihiya No Case open
77 Oct. 31, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down 60 olive trees Izun No Not processed by Yesh Din
78 Nov. 1, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down 13 olive trees Al-Jaba’ No Case closed OU
79 Nov. 7, 2013 Israeli civilians torch two cars Hebron Yes! Case closed IE
80 No. 9, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down approx. 100 olive trees Jit No Not processed by Yesh Din
81 Nov. 14, 2013 Israeli civilians torch home while family is asleep inside Sinjil Yes Case open
82 Nov. 15, 2013 Israeli civilians uproot dozens of olive trees Turmusaya No Not processed by Yesh Din
83 Nov. 17, 2013 Israeli civilians vandalize more than 100 olive trees Yata No Case closed OU
84 Nov. 18, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down dozens of ancient olive trees Al-Jaba’ Yes Not processed by Yesh Din
85 Nov. 19, 2913 Israeli civilians vandalize warehouse, steal produce, and attempt to torch the building Madama Yes Not processed by Yesh Din
86 Nov. 19, 2013 Israeli civilians torch a truck and another vehicle Furata Yes Case open
87 Nov. 19, 2013 Israeli civilians cut down three olive trees Karyut No Not processed by Yesh Din
88 Nov. 25, 2013 Israeli civilians attack home with Molotov cocktails as family sleeps inside Burin No Case closed OU
89 Dec. 2, 2013 Israeli civilians destroy traditional oven Umm al-Kheir No Case closed OU
90 Dec. 6, 2013 Israeli civilians torch vehicle Jalud Yes Not processed by Yesh Din
91 Dec. 28, 2013 Israeli civilians assault Palestinian man in field as he farms A-Tawani No Case open
92 Dec. 31, 2013 Israeli civilians torch three vehicles Dura al-Qara Yes Case open
93 Jan. 1, 2014 Israeli civilians cut down trees and damage equipment Madama No Case open
94 Jan. 7, 2014 Israeli civilians assault Palestinians, beat one with baton, and destroy property Kusra No Case open
95 Jan. 9, 2014 “Death to Arabs” daubed on the that was home torched in November Sinjil Yes Case open
96 Jan. 15, 2014 Israeli civilians torch mosque Dir Istiya Yes Case open
97 Jan. 19, 2014 Israeli civilians uproot 30 olive saplings Burin No Case open
98 Jan. 20, 2014 Israeli civilians assault Palestinian man with stones and crowbar Bet Furiq No Not processed by Yesh Din
99 Jan. 21, 2014 Israeli civilians puncture tires on 18 vehicles Qablan Yes Case closed OU
100 Jan. 22, 2014 Israeli civilians uproot thousands of saplings; military position “saw nothing” Sinjil No Case closed OU
101 Jan. 24, 2014 Israeli civilians assault flock of sheep with batons and stones and attack Palestinian defending the flock Umm al-Kheir No Case open
102 April 27, 2014 Israeli civilians uproot and break 14 olive saplings Burin No Case open
103 Feb. 1, 2014 Israeli civilians cut 50 olive trees Beitillu No Case closed OU
104 Feb. 4, 2014 Israeli civilians cut down approx. 100 ancient olive trees Yanun No Case closed OU
105 Feb. 9, 2014 Israeli civilians steal 425 olive saplings and vandalize other trees Turmusaya No Case open
106 Feb. 9, 2014 Israeli civilians steal approx. 500 olive saplings Sinjil No Not processed by Yesh Din
107 Feb. 11, 2014 Israeli civilians cut down almond tree, and assault its owner – a pregnant woman Hebron No Case open
108 Feb. 18, 2014 Israeli civilians attempt to destroy agricultural structure, uproot trees, and steal equipment Al-Khader No Case open
109 Feb. 18, 2014 Israeli civilians uproot and steal approx. 500 olive saplings Turmusaya No Case open
110 Feb. 22, 2014 Israeli civilians assault Palestinians with stones and damage vehicles Jit No Case open
111 Feb. 27, 2014 Israeli civilians torch home of elderly Palestinian woman Silwad Yes Case open
112 Feb. 28, 2014 Israeli civilians assault and seriously injure Palestinians harvesting olives; IDF soldiers stand idly by Hawara No Case open
113 Mar. 1, 2014 Israeli civilians uproot and slash hundreds of olive saplings Qaddum No Case open
114 Mar. 6, 2014 Israeli civilians bearing sticks assault and injure two Palestinians Al-Mughayer No Case closed OU
115 Mar. 9, 2014 Israeli civilian breaks into plot and drives in it, damaging 60 saplings Nabi Samuil No Case open
116 Mar. 10, 2014 Israeli civilian attempts to steal horse, is apprehended and handed over to the police A-Luban a-Sharqiya No Case open
117 Mar. 11, 2014 Israeli civilians destroy olive trees, assault Palestinians; IDF removes them but does not undertake arrests Burin No Case open
118 Mar. 14, 2014 Israeli civilians cut down approx. 30 olive trees and two almond trees Zif No Case open
119 Mar. 14, 2014 Israeli civilians poison approx. 55 olive trees Jalud No Case open
120 Mar. 24, 2014 Israeli civilians assault Palestinian children with sticks and attempt to kidnap a boy Bet Furiq No Not processed by Yesh Din
121 Mar. 23, 2014 Israeli civilians assault Palestinians with stones, including a Yesh Din researcher; army stands idly by Burin No Case open
122 Mar. 26, 2014 Israeli civilians uproot approx. 1,000 olive saplings Turmusaya No Case open
123 Apr. 2, 2014 Israeli civilians throw stones at moving Palestinian vehicle causing damage Kusra No Not processed by Yesh Din
124 Apr. 3, 2014 Israeli civilians torch 10 olive trees Karyut No Case open
125 Apr. 5, 2014 Israeli civilians cut down approx. 50 olive trees Burin No Case open
126 Apr. 16, 2014 Israeli civilians invade home and trample on produce in yard; police arrests the owner of the house Luban No Not processed by Yesh Din
127 Apr. 18, 2014 Israeli civilians torch henhouse, thousands of chicks burned alive Madama No Not processed by Yesh Din
128 Apr. 19, 2014 Israeli civilians vandalize approx. 80 olive trees Ras Karkar No Case open
129 Apr. 19, 2014 Israeli civilian sets dog on shepherdess and flock, attacks her with stones, and threatens her with a weapon Kisan No Case open
130 Apr. 25, 2014 Israeli civilians steal mule Al-Janiya No Not processed by Yesh Din
131 Apr. 25, 2014 Israeli civilian assaults flock of sheep with stones Nabi Samwil No Case open
132 Apr. 27, 2014 Israeli civilians systematically vandalize approx. 200 olive saplings Hawara No Case open